The Third Eye: Multilateralism as a foreign policy plank

BILKULONLINE
SUNDAY Special

By D C Pathak

New Delhi, Aug 4: There is a lot of discussion among strategic thinkers on the scope of multilateralism in today’s geopolitics that was impacted by two military clashes of global implications — the 30-month-old Ukraine-Russia armed conflict and the Israel-Hamas confrontation that began last year following an audacious terror attack by the Palestinian outfit on Israel on October 7.

It goes to the credit of India’s foreign policy that it has envisaged multilateral friendships for handling the challenge of international relations in an era where signs of revival of the Cold War between the US-led West on one hand and the China-Russia combine on the other, were already seen on the horizon.

Foreign policy is a product of national security and economic concerns and India has negotiated its dealings with the rest of the world in a manner that served the former’s national interests without getting India to ‘align’ itself with any world player. India has managed to emerge as a major power that promotes sanity in the world and represents the voice of reason and peace in international conflicts.

While security interests were always paramount, the economic scene in the world that presently did not have the overriding strength of any particular single power, provided India with the opportunity of seeking relationships on the primacy of economic considerations as well. India’s approach to multilateralism is primarily the offshoot of its policy of developing bilateral friendships based on mutual security and economic interests — in that order — and ensuring that this applied to group friendships, too, without prejudice to the cause of world peace and human advancement. Multilateralism appropriately became a foreign policy plank for India at a time when the United Nations, the global body charged with the responsibility of resolving international conflicts, was falling short of the expectations of the peace-loving people of the world. This was mainly because of its indecisiveness in the face of divided opinions being expressed in a polarised world. The most prominent multilateral association for India presently is Quad — led by the US and including Japan and Australia — which conducted even military exercises but essentially presented a defensive response to Chinese aggressive moves in the South China Sea.

The mission of Quad was to ensure that a ‘rules-based order’ prevailed in the Indo-Pacific. India has activated its participation in this forum to protect its security interests and treat it as a perimeter defence against any Chinese attempt at encroachment in the Indian Ocean itself. India’s membership in other multilateral organisations like SAARC, SCO and BRICS is primarily used by this country as the platform for highlighting the global commons such as the threat of terrorism, the problem of human trafficking and the spread of ‘radicalisation’. Bilateral relations within the ambit of global peace have enabled India to push up its strategic partnership with the US, deepen its defence bonds with Russia and take an independent-sounding stand on Ukraine-Russia military confrontation and Israel-Hamas armed conflict. India has called for the suspension of hostility and the start of dialogue for a peaceful resolution in both cases. India’s success in enlarging the ambit of bilateral relations to cover multilateral platforms is to be particularly appreciated since it had the effect of mitigating to an extent the fallout of a possible return of the Cold War.

The policy of maintaining bilateral and multilateral relationships is in keeping with India’s belief in a multipolar world order in the post-Cold War era. India aspires to be an important flag point in this order in terms of its contribution to the global economy, supply chains and skilled workforce. The Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led government has given special attention to the ‘ease of doing business’, tried to improve exports, including the export of military equipment, and thought of ways and means of utilising our demographic dividend. Notwithstanding the hostile conduct of Pakistan as a neighbour and the ISI’s manoeuvring of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan at Kabul, India has actively pursued the idea of building special relationships with our other neighbours and strengthened the ‘Act East’ Policy that had an important bearing on the country’s neighbourhood.

The bilateral relationship may be extended to granting MFN status to each other in terms of customs and trade tariffs. It does not suit a rising power like India to let geopolitics move in the direction of a bipolar world order again as this would tend to weaken the position of all other countries and would increase their dependence on two ‘Super Powers’. India has to watch out for the determined effort China under the presidentship of Xi Jinping, was making to become the second superpower after the US through the economic and technology route. India’s bid to become the third largest economy in the world is the right course for placing the country in a situation where it would be able to handle international relations according to its national interests. Emphasis on nationalism helps a democratic state to strengthen itself internally and project the country’s identity before the world outside. Nationalism has secularism built into the governance in a democracy that rested on ‘one man one vote’ and did not allow any denominational stamp to be put on the way the country was administered — despite the ‘majority-minority’ distribution of the population. Nationalism prevails over party politics and the divides of caste, community and region and needs to be fostered for the sake of national unity and integrity. T

he Constitution of India defines both Fundamental Rights and Duties and enjoins on citizens the duty of promoting patriotism. Nationalism should not however become a reason for flaunting ‘superiority’ over other nations — nor should it tend to curtail the ideological freedom, exercise of personal choices or expression of criticism of the government of the day, at home. Culture is an outcome of religion and since all religions define the relationship between an individual and his or her God, it is expected that culture will unite rather than divide people. In any case, the national culture of a united nation was rooted in a vision shared by the people, the confidence of the citizens that everybody had the same opportunities and a consensus among them on who the country’s friends and enemies were. Nationalism is strong when the people have a shared sense of past, present and future.

The Preamble of the Indian Constitution calls upon all of its people to maintain the unity and integrity of the nation while the Directive Principles contained therein ask India to promote international peace and security, work for the maintenance of just relations between nations and encourage settlement of international disputes. The strategic culture of the nation, the sense of nationalism and the international profile of India are all well-defined enough to justify India’s call for ‘one earth one family’ during the hosting of the G20 Conference in 2023. Multilateralism is opted for by India in this spirit and so long as it was not ‘against’ any quarters, this was one way of promoting ‘just and honourable’ relations internationally. It signifies ‘positive non-alignment’ in the post-Cold War world.

A nationalist India has to be a secure and economically self-dependent country holding a commanding position in the comity of nations, discharging its national and international obligations and strengthening the hands of the UN as well. In a multipolar world order bilateral and multilateral relationships would best serve India’s interests and also give this country the satisfaction of doing good to humanity at large by pushing back the geopolitical trends that paved the way for the return of a new Cold War.

(The writer is a former Director of the Intelligence Bureau. Views are personal)